14th Council, Second Council of Lyons (A.D. 1274)
SUMMARY:
SITE: Lyons, France
YEAR: 1274
POPE: Blessed Gregory X, 1271 - 1276
EMPEROR: Rudolph I of Hapsburg, 1273 - 1291
Defined that the Holy Spirit proceeds from both the Father and the Son as from on Principle(Filioque clause); Defined the primacy and authority of the Roman Church; Defined that there are seven (and only seven) sacraments;
Council of Lyons (1274) with Pope Gregory X, the Patriarchs of Antioch and Constantinople, 500 Bishops, 70 Abbots, and 100 minor Prelates (dignitaries). It effected a temporary reunion of the Greek Church with Rome. The word filioque was added to the symbol of Constantinople and means were sought for recovering Palestine from the Turks. It also laid down the rules for papal elections.
ACTION: Called and ratified by Pope Gregory X, this council declared the double procession of the Holy Ghost from the Father and the Son: "Qui ex Patre Filioque procedit." The return of the Eastern Church to union with Rome, sought by the Popes, failed utterly.
NOTE: St. Thomas Aquinas, Priest and Doctor of the Church (d. 1274), died on his way to Lyons II. St. Bonaventure, Cardinal and Doctor of the Church (d.1274), was prominent at Lyons II, died there, and was buried by the council. FILIOQUE Defined and added to Nicene Creed.
CONTENTS
partial index
Introduction
C O N S T I T U T I O N S
Constitution I
Constitution II
1. On the supreme Trinity and the Catholic faith
2. On election and the power of the elected person
15. On the circumstances of ordination and the quality of ordinands
16. On bigamists
17. On the office of ordinary judge
19. On pleading
21. On prebends and dignities
22. On not alienating the property of the church
23. On religious houses, that they are to be subject to the bishop
24. On taxes and procurations
25. On the immunity of churches
26. On usury
28. On wrongs and the loss caused
29. On the sentence of excommunication
Introduction
After the death of Pope Clement IV (29 November 1268) almost three years passed
before
the cardinals were able to elect a new pope, Gregory X (1 September 1271). The
political
aspect of Europe in those times was undergoing great change. The popes
themselves in
their struggles with the German emperors had sought help from various states
and
had
placed Charles of Anjou on the throne of Sicily. This long conflict, which the
popes
fought in order to protect their freedom and immunity, had finally upset the
traditional
system of government in Christendom. This system depended on two institutions,
the papacy
and the empire. In the East, moreover, the emperor Michael VIII Palaeologus had
captured
Constantinople in 1261 and brought the Latin empire there to an end.
Since the state of affairs was undoubtedly complex and difficult, Gregory X had
conceived
a very broad plan involving the whole christian world. In this plan the eastern
question
was of the highest importance. The pope sought to conclude a treaty with
Michael
VIII
Palaeologus and to unite the eastern and western churches. For if the churches
were
united and the strength of all christian peoples were combined, the problem of
the holy
Land could be resolved and the Roman church could flourish with fresh authority
and
influence in the western states.
Gregory X, therefore, when he convoked the general council on 31 March 1272,
outlined
three themes: union with the Greeks, the crusade, and the reform of the church.
Regarding
the third theme, which was not only traditional in medieval councils but was
also
required by the actual state of ecclesiastical morals, the pope in March 1273
sought the
opinion of all christian people and asked for their help. Some reports sent to
him for
this purpose are still extant. After long preparatory arrangements the council
assembled
at Lyons and opened on 7 May 1274. Probably there were present about 300
bishops, 60
abbots and a large number of other clergy, many of whom apparently were
theologians
(Thomas Aquinas died while on his journey to Lyons), as well as king James of
Aragon and
the delegates sent by the rulers of France, Germany, England and Sicily. The
Greeks
arrived late, on 24 June, since they had been shipwrecked. Meanwhile a
delegation of
Tartars had also arrived. Although the number of participants does not seem to
have been
especially large, the whole christian world was present either in person or
through
representatives, and it was evident that the council, as Gregory X had wished,
was
universal and ecumenical.
The council had six general sessions: on 7 and 18 May, 4 or 7 June, 6, 16 and
17
July. In
the fourth session the union of the Greek church with the Latin church was
decreed and
defined, this union being based on the consent which the Greeks had given to
the
claims
of the Roman church. In the last session the dogmatic constitution concerning
the
procession of the holy Spirit was approved, this question having been a cause
of
disagreement between the two churches. The union however appears to have been
imposed, on
the Greek side by the emperor Michael VIII. He wanted the support of the pope
in
order to
deter Charles of Anjou from an attack on the Byzantine empire, while the
majority of the
Greek clergy opposed the union. The union was therefore fleeting, either
because
in the
East the clergy steadily resisted it, or because the popes after Gregory X
changed their
plan of action.
The weakness of the union with the Greeks also rendered a crusade impossible.
Gregory X
won the approval of the principal states of Europe for the undertaking and was
able, in
the second session, to impose heavy taxes (a tenth for six years) in order to
carry it
out (const. Zelus fidei, below pp. 309-314). The council however merely decided
to engage
in the crusade; no start was made at getting things done and the project came
to
nothing.
Moreover Gregory died soon afterwards (10 January 1276), and he was not
sufficiently
influential or powerful to bring to a conclusion his plans for church and
state.
With regard to the reform of the church, Gregory complained in the council's
last session
that discussion had not been sufficient to pass any definite decree. However,
he
was able
to bring about that certain constitutions relating to the parish should be
delegated to
the curia. For the rest, some constitutions concerning church institutions were
approved
in various sessions. The most important one prescribed that a pope should be
elected by
the college of cardinals assembled in conclave (const. 2); constitution 23
attempts to
adjust relations between secular clerics and religious; constitutions 26-27
treat of
usury; and others treat of particular questions about the reform of morals and
of the
church.
There are at least two redactions (conciliar and post-conciliar) of the
council's
constitutions, as S. Kuttner has shown. In the second session the fathers had
approved
the decree Zelus fidei, which was rather a collection of constitutions about
the
holy
Land, the crusade, the war against Saracens and pirates, and the order and
procedure to
be observed in the council (here for the first time the nations appear as
ecclesiastical
parts of a council). Next, twenty-eight constitutions were approved in the
following
sessions: const. 3-9, 15, 19, 24, 29-30 in the third, const. 2, 10-12, 16-17,
20-22, 25-
28, 31 in the fifth, const. 1, 23 in the sixth session. The pope promulgated a
collection
of the council's constitutions on 1 November 1274, sent this to the
universities
with the
bull Cum nuper, and informed all the faithful in the encyclical Infrascriptas.
In this
collection, however, three of the thirty-one constitutions are post-conciliar
(const. 13-
14, 18). These concern the parish, on which subject the pope and the council
fathers had
decided in the last session of the council that some decrees should be made
later on.
Moreover the constitution Zelus fidei is missing from the collection, perhaps
because it
contained no juridical statutes of universal validity; and the other
constitutions had
been subjected to the examination of the curia and emended, notably as far as
we
know
const. 2 on the conclave and const. 26-27 On usury.
The collection of constitutions promulgated by Gregory X was incorporated into
Boniface
VIII's Liber Sextus (1298) . It also survives, together with the encyclical
Infrascriptas, in Gregory X's register (=R), on which we have based our text.
The
conciliar redaction, however, is known only in part. The constitution Zelus
fidei was
discovered first by H. Finke in an Osnabruck codex (= O), and then by S.
Kuttner, without
its beginning, in a Washington codex (= W), it is also extant in three English
cartularies, which we have not examined; our edition relies on the
transcriptions of
Finke (= F) and Kuttner (= K). The other constitutions of the conciliar
redaction we know
only from W and, as regards const. 2, from eight scrolls containing the
approval
of the
council fathers for this constitution (Vatican Archives, AA. arm. I-XVIII,
2187-
2194 = V
I-8). We therefore give the conciliar redaction on the basis of V and W; but W
is very
incomplete, having only 20 constitutions (const. 2-8, 9 mutilated, 10-12 16-17,
20, 22-
23, 25-27, 31), and is full of errors. As the best solution at this
intermediate
stage,
we therefore give the constitution Zelus fidei (below pp. 309-314) separately
from the
post-conciliar collection (below pp. 314-331), and we note in the critical
apparatus the
latter the variant readings of the conciliar redaction. In the main editions of
the
council's acts only the collection of constitutions promulgated by Gregory X is
to be
found; all these editions depend on Rm (4, 95-104), which is taken from R (R
was
edited
later by Guiraud).
C O N S T I T U T I O N S
I
[1a]. Zeal for the faith, fervent devotion and compassionate love ought to
rouse
the
hearts of the faithful, so that all who glory in the name of Christian grieved
to the
heart by the insult to their redeemer, should rise vigorously and openly in
defence of
the holy Land and support for God's cause. Who, filled with the light of the
true faith
and thinking over with filial affection the marvellous favours conferred on the
human
race by our saviour in the holy Land, would not burn with devotion and charity,
and
sorrow deeply with that holy Land, portion of the Lord's inheritance ? Whose
heart will
not soften with compassion for her, from so many proofs of love given in that
land by our
creator? Alas! the very land in which the Lord deigned to work our salvation
and
which,
in order to redeem humanity by payment of his death, he has consecrated by his
own blood,
has been boldly attacked and occupied over a long period by the impious enemies
of the
christian name, the blasphemous and faithless Saracens. They not only rashly
retain their
conquest, but lay it waste without fear. They slaughter savagely the christian
people
there to the greater offence of the creator, to the outrage and sorrow of all
who profess
the Catholic faith. "Where is the God of the Christians ?" is the Saracens'
constant
reproach, as they taunt them. Such scandals, which neither mind can fully
conceive nor
tongue tell, inflamed our heart and roused our courage so that we who from
experience
overseas have not only heard of those events but have looked with our eyes and
touched
with our hands, might rise to avenge, as far as we can, the insult to the
crucified one.
Our help will come from those afire with zeal of faith and devotion. Because
the
liberation of the holy Land should concern all who profess the Catholic faith,
we
convoked a council, so that after consultation with prelates, kings, princes
and
other
prudent men, we might decide and ordain in Christ the means for liberating the
holy Land.
We also proposed to lead back the Greek peoples to the unity of the church;
proudly
striving to divide in some way the Lord's seamless tunic, they withdrew from
devotion and
obedience to the apostolic see. We purposed also a reform of morals, which have
become
corrupt owing to the sins of both clergy and people. In everything we have
mentioned he
to whom nothing is impossible will direct our acts and counsels; when he wills,
he makes
what is difficult easy, and levelling by his power the crooked ways, makes
straight the
rough going. Indeed, in order the more readily to effect our plans, having
regard to the
risks from wars and dangers of journeys for those whom we judged should be
summoned to
the council, we did not spare ourself and our brothers but rather sought
hardships so
that we might arrange rest for others. We came to the city of Lyons with our
brothers and
curia, believing that in this place those summoned to the council might meet
with less
exertion and expense. We came undertaking various dangers and troubles, running
many
risks, to where all those summoned to the council were assembled, either in
person or
through suitable representatives. We held frequent consultations with them
about
help for
the holy Land, and they, zealous to avenge the insult to the Saviour, thought
out the
best ways to succour the said Land and gave, as was their duty, advice and
insight. [ I
b].
Having listened to their advice, we rightly commend their resolutions and
praiseworthy
enthusiasm for the liberation of that Land. Lest, however, we seem to lay on
others'
shoulders heavy burdens, hard to bear, which we are unwilling to move with our
finger, we
begin with ourself; declaring that we hold all we have from God's only-begotten
Son,
Jesus Christ, by whose gift we live, by whose favour we are sustained, by whose
blood
even we have been redeemed. We and our brothers, the cardinals of the holy
Roman
church,
shall pay fully for six successive years a tenth of all our ecclesiastical
revenues,
fruits and incomes for the aid of the holy Land. With the approval of this
sacred
council, we decree and ordain that for the said six years, beginning from the
next feast
of the birthday of blessed John the Baptist, all ecclesiastical persons of
whatever rank
or pre-eminence, condition, order, or religious state or order-and we wish none
to invoke
for themselves and their churches any privileges or indults, in whatever form
of
words or
expression these were granted, rather we recall completely those we have
granted
till
now--shall pay wholly and without any reduction a tenth of all ecclesiastical
revenues,
fruits and incomes of each year in the following way: that is, half on the
feast
of the
Lord's birth and the other half on the feast of blessed John the Baptist. In
order to
observe more carefully the reverence due to him whose undertaking this is, in
himself and
in his saints and especially in the glorious Virgin whose intercession we ask
in
this and
in our other needs, and in order that there may be a fuller subsidy for the
holy
Land, we
order that the constitution of Pope Gregory our predecessor of happy memory
against
blasphemers be inviolably observed. The fines prescribed in this constitution
are to be
exacted in full through the authorities of the place where blasphemy is
committed, and
through others who exercise temporal jurisdiction there. Coercive measures, if
necessary,
are to be taken through diocesan and other local ordinaries. The money is to be
assigned
to the collectors for the subsidy. Moreover, we strictly command confessors who
hear
confessions by ordinary jurisdiction or by privilege to prompt and enjoin on
their
penitents to give the said money to the holy Land in full satisfaction for
their
sins;
and they should persuade those making wills to leave, in proportion to their
means, some
of their goods for aid to the holy Land. We direct also that in each church
there should
be placed a box fitted with three keys, the first to be kept in the possession
of the
bishop, the second in that of the priest of the church, the third in that of
some
conscientious lay person. The faithful are to be instructed to place their
alms,
as the
Lord inspires them, in this box for the remission of their sins. Mass is to be
sung
publicly in the churches once a week, on a certain day to be announced by the
priest, for
the remission of such sins and especially of those offering alms. Besides these
measures,
to provide more assistance for the holy Land, we exhort and urge kings and
princes,
marquises, counts and barons, magistrates, governors and other secular leaders
to arrange
that in the lands subject to their jurisdiction each of the faithful pays a
coin
to the
value of a tournois or of one sterling in accordance with the customs or
circumstances of
the region, and they should order a further small tax of no burden to anyone
for
the
remission of sins; these contributions are to be made each year in aid of the
holy Land,
so that just as nobody may excuse himself from compassion for the wretched
state
of the
holy Land, nobody may be dismissed from contributing or shut out from meriting.
Also,
lest these prudent arrangements concerning the subsidy to the holy Land be
hindered by
anyone's fraud or malice or craft, we excommunicate and anathematise one and
all
who
knowingly offer hindrance, directly or indirectly, publicly or secretly, to the
payment,
as described above, of the tithes in aid of the holy Land.
Furthermore, since corsairs and pirates greatly impede those travelling to and
from that
Land, by capturing and plundering them, we bind with the bond of
excommunication
them and
their principal helpers and supporters. We forbid anyone, under threat of
anathema,
knowingly to communicate with them by contracting to buy or sell. We also order
rulers of
cities and their territories to restrain and curb such persons from this
iniquity;
otherwise it is our wish that prelates of churches exercise ecclesiastical
severity in
their land. We excommunicate and anathematise, moreover, those false and
impious
Christians who, in opposition to Christ and the christian people, convey to the
Saracens
arms and iron, which they use to attack Christians and timber for their galleys
and other
ships; and we decree that those who sell them galleys or ships, and those who
act as
pilots in pirate Saracen ships, or give them any help or advice by way of
machines or
anything else to the detriment of Christians and especially of the holy Land,
are to be
punished with deprivation of their possessions and are to become the slaves of
those who
capture them. We order this sentence to be renewed publicly on Sundays and
feast-days in
all maritime towns; and the bosom of the church is not to be opened to such
persons
unless they send in aid of the holy Land all that they received from this
damnable
commerce and the same amount of their own, so that they are punished in
proportion to
their sins. If perchance they do not pay, they are to be punished in other ways
in order
that through their punishment others may be deterred from venturing upon
similar
rash
actions. In addition, we prohibit and on pain of anathema forbid all
Christians,
for six
years, to send or take their ships across to the lands of the Saracens who
dwell
in the
east, so that by this a greater supply of shipping may be made ready for those
wanting to
cross over to help the holy Land, and so that the aforesaid Saracens may be
deprived of
the considerable help which they have been accustomed to receiving from this.
Because it
is of the utmost necessity for the carrying out of this business that rulers
and
christian peoples keep peace with each other, we therefore ordain, with the
approval of
this holy and general synod, that peace be generally kept in the whole world
among
Christians, so that those in conflict shall be led by the prelates of churches
to observe
inviolably for six years a definitive agreement or peace or a firm truce. Those
who
refuse to comply shall be most strictly compelled to do so by a sentence of
excommunication against their persons and an interdict on their lands, unless
the malice
of the wrongdoers is so great that they ought not to enjoy peace. If it happens
that they
make light of the church's censure, they may deservedly fear that the secular
power will
be invoked by ecclesiastical authority against them as disturbers of the
business of him
who was crucified. We therefore, trusting in the mercy of almighty God and in
the
authority of the blessed apostles Peter and Paul, do grant, by the power of
binding and
loosing that God has conferred upon us, albeit unworthy, unto all those who
undertake
this work of crossing the sea to aid the holy Land, in person and at their own
expense,
full pardon for their sins about which they are truly and heartily contrite and
have
spoken in confession, and we promise them an increase of eternal life at the
recompensing
of the just. To those who do not go there in person but send suitable men at
their own
expense, according to their means and status, and likewise to those who go in
person but
at others' expense, we grant full pardon for their sins. We wish to grant to
share in
this remission, according to the nature of their help and the intensity of
their
devotion, all who shall contribute suitably from their goods to the aid of the
said Land,
or who give useful advice and help regarding the above, and all who make
available their
own ships for the help of the holy Land or who undertake to build ships for
this
purpose.
Finally, this dutiful and holy general synod imparts the benefit of its prayers
and
blessings to all who piously set out on this enterprise in order that it may
contribute
to their salvation. ' [Id].
Not to us but to the Lord we give glory and honour; let us also thank him that
to so
sacred a council a very great number of patriarchs, primates, archbishops,
bishops,
abbots, priors provosts, deans, archdeacons and other prelates of churches,
both
personally and by suitable procurators, and the procurators of chapters,
colleges and
convents, have assembled at our call. However, although for the happy pursuit
of
so great
an enterprise their advice would be useful, and their presence as beloved sons
is so
delightful, filling us in a certain way with spiritual joy, there are
difficulties for
some as to staying on. Various inconveniences result from their great number;
we
do not
wish them to suffer any longer the squeezing of the enormous crowd; and their
absence may
be harmful to them and their churches. A certain prudent love moves us to
decide
with our
brothers' advice how to lighten the burden of these representatives, while
pursuing our
object no less ardently or zealously. We therefore have decided that all
patriarchs,
primates, archbishops, bishops, abbots and priors whom we summoned specially
and
by name
are to remain, they are not to depart without our special leave before the
council ends.
The other non-mitred abbots and priors and the other {1} abbots and priors, who
were not
summoned by us specially and by name, and the provosts, deans, archdeacons and
other
prelates of churches, and the procurators of any prelates, chapters, colleges
and
convents, have our gracious leave to depart with the blessing of God and our
own. We
commission all who so depart to leave enough procurators, as described below,
to
receive
our commands and both the decrees of our present council and any other decrees
that may,
with God's inspiration, be issued in the future. Thus, all so departing are to
leave
behind the following adequate number of procurators: namely, four from the
realm
of
France, four from the realm of Germany, four from the realms of the Spains,
four
from the
realm of England one from the realm of Scotland {2} , two from the realm of
Sicily, two
from Lombardy, one from Tuscany, one from the states of the church, one from
the
realm of
Norway, one from the realm of Sweden, one from the realm of Hungary {3} , one
from the
realm of Dacia, one from the realm of Bohemia, one from the duchy of Poland.
Furthermore
{4} , it has come to our ears that some archbishops, bishops and other
prelates,
when
they were summoned by us to the council, asked an excessive contribution from
their
subjects and committed great extortion, imposing heavy taxes on them. Some of
these
prelates, although they made great exactions, did not come to the council.
Since
it
neither was nor is our intention that prelates in coming to the council should
associate
the virtue of obedience with the oppression of their subjects, we admonish
prelates one
and all with great firmness, that none may presume to use the council as a
pretext for
burdening his subjects with taxes or exactions. If in fact some prelates have
not come to
the council and have made demands on the pretext of coming, it is our will and
precise
command that they make restitution without delay. Those however who have
oppressed their
subjects, demanding excessive contributions, should take care to make amends to
them
without creating difficulties, and so fulfil our commands that we do not have
to
apply a
remedy by our authority.
II
1. On the supreme Trinity and the Catholic faith{5}
1. We profess faithfully and devotedly that the holy Spirit proceeds eternally
from the
Father and the Son, not as from two principles, but as from one principle; not
by two
spirations, but by one single spiration. This the holy Roman church, mother and
mistress
of all the faithful, has till now professed, preached and taught; this she
firmly holds,
preaches, professes and teaches; this is the unchangeable and true belief of
the
orthodox
fathers and doctors, Latin and Greek alike. But because some, on account of
ignorance of
the said indisputable truth, have fallen into various errors, we, wishing to
close the
way to such errors, with the approval of the sacred council, condemn and
reprove
all who
presume to deny that the holy Spirit proceeds eternally from the Father and the
Son, or
rashly to assert that the holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son as
from two
principles and not as from one.
2. On election and the power of the elected person {6}
2. {7} Where there is greater danger, there must certainly be greater
foresight.
We learn
from the past how heavy are the losses sustained by the Roman church in a long
vacancy,
how perilous it is; we see this all too clearly when we wisely consider the
crises
undergone. Reason therefore openly challenges us, while we devote ourselves
skilfully to
the reform of lesser evils, certainly not to leave without appropriate remedy
those of
greater danger. We judge therefore that everything wisely instituted by our
predecessors
and especially by Pope Alexander III of happy memory, for avoiding discord in
the
election of the Roman pontiff, should remain altogether intact. We intend in no
way to
detract from this legislation, but to supply by the present constitution what
experience
has shown to be missing.
With the approval of the sacred council {8} , we decree that if the pope dies
in
a city
where he was residing with his curia, the cardinals present in that city are
obliged to
await the absent cardinals, but for ten days only. When these days have passed,
whether
those absent have arrived or not, all are to assemble in the palace where the
pope lived.
Each is to be content with one servant only, clerical or lay, at choice. We
allow however
those in evident need to have two, with the same choice. In this palace all are
to live
in common in one room, with no partition or curtain. Apart from free entry to a
private
room, the conclave is to be completely locked, so that no one can enter or
leave. No one
may have access to the cardinals or permission to talk secretly with them, nor
are they
themselves to admit anyone to their presence, except those who, by consent of
all the
cardinals present, might be summoned only for the business of the imminent
election. It
is not lawful for anyone to send a messenger or a written message to the
cardinals or to
any one of them. Whoever acts otherwise, sending a messenger or a written
message, or
speaking secretly to one of the cardinals, is to incur automatic
excommunication. In the
conclave some suitable window is to be left open through which the necessary
food may be
served conveniently to the cardinals, but no entry for anyone is to be possible
through
this way.
If, which God forbid, within three days after the cardinals have entered the
said
conclave, the church has not been provided with a shepherd, they are to be
content for
the next five days, every day both at dinner and supper, with one dish only. If
these
days also pass without the election of a pope, henceforth only bread, wine and
water are
to be served to the cardinals until they do provide a pope. While the election
is in
process, the cardinals are to receive nothing from the papal treasury, nor any
other
revenue coming from whatever source to the church while the see is vacant.
Everything
during this period remains in the custody of him to whose faithfulness and care
the
treasury has been entrusted, to be kept by him for the disposal of the future
pope. Those
who have accepted something are obliged from then on to abstain from receiving
any of the
revenues due to them until they have made full restitution of what they have
accepted in
this way. The cardinals are to devote their time so carefully to hastening the
election
as to occupy themselves with no other business whatever unless perhaps there
occurs such
an urgent necessity as the defence of the states of the church or some part of
them, or
there be threat of such a great and evident danger that it seems to each and
all
the
cardinals present, by general consent, that they should quickly counteract it.
Of course if one of the cardinals does not enter the conclave, which we have
described
above, or having entered leaves without evident cause of illness, the others,
without in
any way searching for him and without re-admitting him to the election, may
proceed
freely to elect the next pope. If in fact, owing to sudden illness, one of them
leaves
the conclave, the election may proceed without the need for his vote, even
while
the
illness lasts. But if after regaining his health or even before, he wishes to
return, or
even if other absentees, for whom a wait of ten days should be made as we have
said, come
on the scene while the election is still undecided, that is, before the church
has been
provided with a shepherd, they are to be admitted to the election in the state
in which
they find it; they are to keep the rules with the others as regards enclosure,
servants,
food and drink and everything else.
If the Roman pontiff happens to die outside the city in which he resided with
his curia,
the cardinals are obliged to assemble in the city in whose territory or
district
the
pontiff died, unless perhaps the city lies under interdict or persists in open
rebellion
against the Roman church. In which case they are to meet in another city, the
nearest
which is neither under interdict nor openly rebellious. In this city also, the
same rules
about waiting for absentees, living together, enclosure and everything else, in
the
episcopal palace or any other residence specified by the cardinals, are to be
observed as
above when the pope dies in the city where he resided with his curia.
Moreover, since it is not enough to make laws unless there is someone to see
that they
are kept, we further ordain that the lord and other rulers and officials of the
city
where the election of the Roman pontiff is to be held, by the power given to
them by our
authority and the approval of the council, are to enforce the observance of
everything
prescribed above in every detail, fully and inviolably without any deceit and
trickery,
but they may not presume to restrict the cardinals beyond what has been said.
As
soon as
the said lord, rulers and officials hear of the supreme pontiff's death, they
are to take
an oath as a body, in the presence of the clergy and people specially mustered
for the
purpose, to observe these prescriptions. If it happens that they commit fraud
in
this
matter or do not observe the regulations with care, of whatever pre-eminence,
condition
or status they may be, they lose all privileges; they are automatically subject
to the
bond of excommunication and are forever infamous; and they are permanently
excluded from
all honours, nor may they be admitted to any public office. We have decreed
that
over and
above this they are automatically deprived of the fiefs goods and all they hold
from the
same Roman church or any other churches, this property returns fully and freely
to the
churches themselves, to be without any opposition at the disposal of the
administrators
of those churches. The city itself is to be not only laid under interdict but
also
deprived of its episcopal dignity.
Furthermore {9} , since when a disordered passion enslaves the will or some
pledge
compels it to one way of acting, the election is null from lack of freedom, we
implore
the cardinals through the tender mercy of our God', and we call them to witness
through
the sprinkling of his precious blood, that they consider very carefully what
they are
about to do. They are electing the vicar of Jesus Christ, the successor of
Peter, the
ruler of the universal church, the guide of the Lord's flock. They are to lay
aside all
the disorder of private affection, to be free from any bargain, agreement or
pledge; they
are not to consider any promise or understanding, to have no regard for their
mutual
advantage or that of their friends. They are not to look after their own
interests or
their individual convenience. Without any constraint on their judgment other
than God,
they are to seek purely and freely the public good, with the election alone in
mind. They
are to use every endeavour and care that is possible. Their one aim is to
provide, by
their service and speedily, what is so useful and necessary for the whole
world,
a
fitting spouse for the church. Those who act otherwise are subject to the
divine
retribution, their fault never to be pardoned except after severe penance. We
invalidate
all bargains, agreements, pledges, promises and understandings, whether
confirmed by oath
or any other bond; we nullify all these and decree that such have no force
whatever. No
one is constrained in any way to observe them, nor anyone to fear that by
transgressing
them he is breaking faith. Rather he deserves praise, for even human law
testifies that
such transgressions are more acceptable to God than the keeping of the oath.
Since the faithful should rely not so much on human resource, however
solicitous, than on
the urgency of humble and devoted prayer, we make an addition to this decree.
In
all the
cities and important places, as soon as the death of the pope becomes known,
solemn
exequies are to be celebrated for him by clergy and people. After this, every
day until
undoubted news is brought that the church truly has her pastor, there is to be
humble and
devoted prayer to the Lord, that he who makes peace in his high heaven may so
unite the
hearts of the cardinals in their choice that provision may be made for the
church
swiftly, harmoniously, unanimously and beneficially, for the salvation of souls
and the
advantage of the whole world. And lest this salutary decree be disregarded on
pretext of
ignorance, we strictly order patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, other prelates
of
churches, and all who have faculties to explain the word of God, that they
should often
gather together the clergy and people for the purpose of urging them in sermons
to pray
earnestly and repeatedly for a swift and happy outcome of the conclave. With
the
same
authority they should prescribe not only frequent prayer but also, as
circumstances
recommend, the observance of fasting.
3 {10} That we may, as far as possible, close the way to evil practices in
ecclesiastical
elections, postulations and provisions, and that churches may not have long and
dangerous
vacancies or the provision of parsonages, dignities and other ecclesiastical
benefices be
delayed, we make this perpetual decree. When opponents to elections,
postulations or
provisions raise difficulties against the form of the election, postulation or
provision,
or against the persons of the electors or of the one elected or of him for whom
the
provision was to be made or has been made, and for these reasons make an
appeal,
the
appellants are to express in a public document or letter of appeal every
individual
objection they intend to make against the form or persons. They shall do this
in
the
presence of a qualified person or persons bearing witness to the truth on the
above
points, and they shall personally swear that they believe what they say to be
true and
can prove it. If this is not done, both the objectors and, during the time of
appeal or
afterwards, their adherents are to know that the power of objecting anything
not
expressed in these letters or documents is forbidden to them, unless there is
some new
evidence or there suddenly appears means of proving the former objections, or
some facts
of the past have newly come to the knowledge of the objectors, facts of which
at
the time
of the appeal the appellants probably could have been, and in fact were,
ignorant. They
are to establish their good faith concerning this ignorance and the subsequent
possibility of proof by taking an oath personally, adding in the same oath that
they
believe they have sufficient proof. It is our will certainly that the penalties
imposed
by Pope Innocent IV of happy memory on those who do not fully substantiate
their
objections against the form or the person, shall remain in force.
4 {11} Blind greed and criminal, dishonest ambition, seizing on certain minds,
drive them
to the rash attempt to usurp by ingenious fraud what they know is forbidden to
them by
the law. Some, indeed, are elected to the government of churches and, because
the law
forbids any interference in the administration of churches before the election
has been
confirmed, contrive to have the churches entrusted to themselves as procurators
and
managers. Since it is not good to give way to human trickery, we wish to take
wider
precautions in this general constitution. We decree that none may henceforth
presume,
before confirmation of his election, to conduct or accept the administration of
an office
to which he has been elected, or to interfere in it, under the pretext of
management or
procuratorship or some other newly invented disguise, in things spiritual or
temporal,
directly or through others, in part or in whole. We decree that all who act
otherwise are
by that very fact deprived of the right they would have acquired by the
election.
5. {12} Not only do the laws bear witness but also experience, that effective
teacher of
reality, makes clear how damaging to churches is their vacancy, how dangerous
it
usually
is to souls. Desirous, then, of counteracting the long duration of vacancies by
suitable
remedies, we make a perpetual decree that after there has been an election in
any church,
the electors are obliged to inform the elect as soon as conveniently possible
and to ask
his consent. The elect in his turn is to give it within a month from the day of
being
informed. If the elect delays beyond this, he is to know that from then on he
is
deprived
of the right he would have acquired from his election, unless perhaps his
condition is
such that he cannot consent to his election without his superior's leave, on
account of a
prohibition or some disposition of the apostolic see {13} . The elect or his
electors
must then earnestly seek and gain the superior's leave as quickly as his
presence or
absence will permit. Otherwise, if the time has expired, even with the
allowance
made for
the presence or absence of the superior, and permission has not been obtained,
the
electors are then free to proceed to another election. Furthermore, any elect
must ask
for confirmation of his election within three months after giving consent. If
without
lawful impediment he omits to do this within such a three-month period, the
election is
by that very fact null and void.
6. {14} We declare, with the force of a perpetual decree, that they who in an
election
vote knowingly for an unworthy candidate are not deprived of the power of
electing,
unless they have so far persisted as to make the election depend on their
votes,
even
though in nominating an unworthy person they have deliberately acted against
their
consciences and may rightly fear divine retribution and a punishment, in
accordance with
the offence, from the apostolic see.
7. {15} We decree that nobody, after voting for someone whose election follows,
or after
giving consent to an election made by others, may oppose him concerning the
election
itself, except for reasons coming to light afterwards, or unless the elect's
evil
character previously hidden from the objector is now disclosed, or the
existence
of some
other hidden vice or defect, of which in all probability he could have been
ignorant, is
revealed. He is however to guarantee his good faith regarding this lack of
knowledge by
oath.
8. {16} If after two scrutinies one part of the electors is to be found more
than double
the number of the other, we by this decree take away from the minority all
power
of
imputing lack of zeal, merit or authority to the majority or their candidate.
We
do not
however forbid such objections as would render null, in virtue of the law
itself, the
election of the candidate so opposed.
9. {17} The constitution of Pope Alexander IV, our predecessor of happy memory,
rightly
includes cases about episcopal elections, and those arising therefrom, in the
category of
major cases and asserts that their judicial inquiry subsequent to any appeal
falls to the
apostolic see. We, however, wishing to curb both the rash boldness and
unbridled
frequency of appeals, have considered that we should make provision by this
general
constitution. If someone appeals extrajudicially with an evidently frivolous
motive in
the aforesaid elections or in others which concern dignities higher than the
episcopate,
such an appeal is by no means to go before the apostolic see. When however in
the
business of such elections an appeal is made in writing, judicially or
extrajudicially,
from a credible motive which on proof ought to be considered legitimate, such
business is
to be brought to the apostolic see. Furthermore, it is lawful for the parties
in
these
cases, provided there is no malice, to withdraw from such appeals before they
are laid
before the said see. Subordinate judges, who were competent for these cases,
should on
withdrawal of the appeal first of all inquire carefully whether there has been
any
irregularity. If they find such, they are to have no further dealings with the
case
itself, but shall set for the parties a suitable fixed term in which they are
to
present
themselves with all their acts and records to the apostolic see. I
10. {18} If among other objections against the elect or nominee or candidate to
be
promoted in any other way to some dignity, it is said that he clearly lacks the
requisite
knowledge or has some other obvious personal defect, we decree that there is to
be an
invariable order in discussing the objections. The candidate is to be examined
first of
all concerning the alleged defect, the outcome deciding whether other
objections
are to
be considered or not. If the result of the said examination shows that the
objections
concerning the alleged defect are devoid of truth, we exclude the objectors
altogether
from pursuing further the case in which they have made their objections, and we
decree
that they are to be punished exactly as if they had thoroughly failed to prove
any of
their objections.
11. {19} All those who presume to oppress clerics or any other ecclesiastical
persons
having the right of election in certain churches, monasteries or other pious
places,
because they have refused to elect the person for whom they were asked or urged
to vote,
or who presume to oppress their relatives or the said churches, monasteries or
other
places, robbing them of benefices or other property, either directly or through
others,
or taking revenge in other ways, are to know that they incur automatic
excommunication.
12 20 We decree by a general constitution that one and all, however high their
rank, who
try to usurp the royal privileges, the custody or guard, or the title of
advocate or
defender, in churches, monasteries and any other pious places, and presume to
take
possession of their property during a vacancy, lie under automatic sentence of
excommunication. The clerics of the churches, the monks of the monasteries, and
the other
persons in the above places, who abet these offences, are automatically
excommunicated in
the same way. We indeed strictly forbid those clerics who do not oppose, as
they
ought,
those who act in such a way, to receive any income from these churches or
places
during
the time they have allowed the usurpation to happen without opposition. Those
who claim
these rights by the foundation of the churches or of the other places, or by
reason of
ancient custom, are prudently to avoid abusing their rights and take care that
their
agents do not abuse them, so that they appropriate nothing beyond what pertains
to the
fruits or revenues accruing during the vacancy, and do not allow the
dilapidation of the
other property of which they claim to be the guardians but preserve it in good
condition.
13. The canon promulgated by Pope Alexander III, our predecessor of happy
memory, decreed
among other things that nobody is to be appointed parish priest until he is
twenty-five
and approved as to knowledge and morals; and that after his appointment, if he
has not
been ordained priest within the time fixed by the canons, despite being warned
to this
effect, he is to be removed from office and it is to be conferred on someone
else. Since
many neglect to observe this canon, we wish their dangerous negligence to be
made good by
observance of the law. We therefore decree that nobody is to be appointed
parish
priest
unless he is suitable by knowledge, morals and age. Any appointments from now
of
those
younger than twenty-five are to lack all validity. The person appointed is
obliged to
reside in the parish church of which he has become rector, in order that he may
take more
diligent care of the flock entrusted to him. Within a year of being appointed
to
his
charge he is to have himself ordained to the priesthood. If within that time he
has not
been ordained, he is deprived of his church, even without previous warning, by
authority
of the present constitution. As to residence, as above described, the ordinary
may grant
a dispensation for a time and for a reasonable cause.
14. No one may henceforth presume to give a parish church "in commendam" to
anyone under
the lawful age and not ordained priest. Such a commendatory may have only one
parish
church and there must be an evident need or advantage for the church itself. We
declare,
however, that such a commendam, even when properly made, is not to last more
than six
months. We decree that any contrary procedure relating to commendams of parish
churches
is invalid by law.
15. On the circumstances of ordination and the quality of ordinands
15. {21} We decree that those who knowingly or with affected ignorance or on
any
other
pretext presume to ordain clerics of another diocese without permission of the
ordinands'
superior, are suspended for a year from conferring any orders. The penalties
prescribed
by law against those so ordained are to remain in full vigour. We also grant
the
faculty
to clerics of the dioceses of bishops thus suspended, after their suspension
has
become
public, freely to receive orders meanwhile from neighbouring bishops, even
without their
own bishop's leave, but in other respects canonically.
16. On bigamists
16. {22} Putting an end to an old debate by the present declaration, we declare
that
bigamists are deprived of any clerical privilege and are to be handed over to
the control
of the secular law, any contrary custom notwithstanding. We also forbid
bigamists under
pain of anathema to wear the tonsure or clerical dress.
17. On the office of ordinary judge
17. {23} If canons wish to suspend the celebration of divine worship, as is
their claim
from custom or otherwise in certain churches, they are obliged, before taking
any steps
to suspend the celebration, to express their reasons for this in a confirmation
of
authenticity. They are to consign this document or letter to the person against
whom the
suspension is directed. They are to know that if they suspend services without
this
formality or the reason expressed is not canonical, they shall restore all the
income
they have received, during the time of the suspension, from the church in which
the
suspension has taken place. They shall in no way receive anything owing to them
for that
period but make it over to the church in question. They will, moreover, be
obliged to
make restitution for the loss or injustice done to the person whom they
intended
to
punish. If however their cause is judged to be canonical, the one who
occasioned
the
suspension is to be sentenced to compensate the said canons and the church from
which
divine service has been withdrawn through his fault. The superior is to
adjudicate the
compensation and it is to be used for the benefit of divine worship.
Nevertheless we
utterly rebuke the detestable abuse and horrible impiety of those who treating
with
irreverent boldness crucifixes and images or statues of the blessed Virgin and
other
saints, throw them to the ground in order to emphasise the suspension of divine
worship,
and leave them under nettles and thorns. We forbid severely any sacrilege of
this kind.
We decree that those who disobey are to receive a hard retributive sentence
which will so
chastise the offenders as to suppress the like arrogance in others.
18. Local ordinaries must strictly compel their subjects to produce the
dispensations by
which they hold canonically, as they assert, several dignities or churches to
which is
annexed the cure of souls, or a parsonage or dignity together with another
benefice to
which a similar cure is annexed. These dispensations are to be shown within a
time
proportionate to the situation as judged by the ordinaries themselves. If
without just
reason no dispensation has been shown within that time, the churches,
benefices,
parsonages or dignities which it is now obvious are held unlawfully without
dispensation,
are to be conferred freely on suitable persons by those who have the right. If
on the
other hand the dispensation shown seems clearly sufficient, the holder is not
to
be
troubled in any way in the possession of these benefices canonically obtained.
The
ordinary is however to make provision that neither the care of souls in those
churches,
parsonages or dignities is neglected nor the benefices themselves are defrauded
of the
services owing to them. If there is doubt whether the dispensation is
sufficient,
recourse should be had to the apostolic see, to which judgment belongs
concerning its
benefices. Ordinaries, moreover, in bestowing parsonages, dignities and other
benefices
involving the cure of souls, are to take care not to confer one on someone
already
holding several similar benefices, unless an obviously sufficient dispensation
is shown
for those already held. Even then, we wish the ordinary to confer the benefice
only if it
appears from the dispensation that the beneficiary may lawfully retain this
parsonage,
dignity or benefice together with those he already holds, or if he is prepared
freely to
resign those he already holds. If not, the bestowing of such parsonages,
dignities and
benefices is to be of no consequence whatever. '
19. On pleading
19 {24} It seems that we must counteract promptly the crafty dragging-out of
lawsuits. We
hope to do this effectively by giving suitable remedial directives to those who
offer
their services in legal matters. Since the things that have been beneficially
provided by
legal sanction concerning advocates seem to have fallen into disuse, we renew
the same
sanction by the present constitution, with some addition and modification. We
decree that
each and every advocate in the ecclesiastical forum, whether before the
apostolic see or
elsewhere, is to swear on the holy gospels that in all ecclesiastical causes
and
others
in the same forum, of which they have assumed or will assume the defence, they
will do
their utmost for their clients in what they judge to be true and just. They are
also to
swear that at whatever part of the process they find out that the cause which
they had
accepted in good faith is unjust, they will cease to defend it; they will
rather
abandon
it altogether, having nothing further to do with it, and will inviolably
observe
the rest
of the above sanction. Proctors also are to be bound by a similar oath. Both
advocates
and proctors are obliged to renew this oath every year in the forum in which
they have
assumed office. Those who come before the apostolic see or to the court of some
ecclesiastical judge, in which they have not yet taken such an oath, in order
to
act as
advocate or proctor in some individual case, are to take a like oath, in each
case, at
the beginning of the litigation. Advocates and proctors who refuse to swear in
the above
way are forbidden to practise while their refusal persists. If they
deliberately
violate
their oath, counsellors who have knowingly encouraged an unjust cause incur, in
addition
to the guilt of perjury, the divine and our malediction, from which they cannot
be
absolved unless they restore double the amount they accepted for such evil work
as
advocate, proctor or counsel. They are moreover obliged to make restitution for
the loss
caused to the parties wronged by their unjust ministry. Furthermore, lest
insatiate greed
drive some into contempt for these sound decrees, we strictly forbid an
advocate
to
accept more than twenty tournois pounds for any case, a proctor more than
twelve, as
salary or even on the pretext of a reward for winning. Those who accept more
are
not in
any way to acquire ownership of the excess, but are obliged to restitution;
none
of this
penalty of restitution can be remitted in evasion of the present constitution.
In
addition, advocates who thus violate the present constitution are to be
suspended from
their office for three years. Proctors, on the other hand, shall be denied
permission to
exercise their office in a court of law.
20. On what is done by force or because of fear
20. {25} We annul by authority of this constitution any absolution from
sentence
of
excommunication or any recall of it, or of suspension or even of interdict,
which has
been extorted by force or fear. Lest boldness increase when violence goes
unpunished, we
decree that those who have extorted such an absolution or withdrawal by force
or
fear lie
under sentence of excommunication.
21. On prebends and dignities
21. {26} We have decreed that the statute of Pope Clement IV, our predecessor
of
happy
memory, that dignities and benefices which become vacant in the Roman curia are
to be
conferred by nobody other than the Roman pontiff, is to be modified as follows.
Those who
have the conferring of these benefices and dignities may confer them validly,
notwithstanding the said statute, but not till a month after the day on which
the
dignities and benefices have become vacant, and then only by themselves
personally or, if
they are at a distance, through their vicar-generals in their dioceses, to whom
this
charge has been canonically entrusted . 5
22. On not alienating the property of the church
22. {27} By this well-considered decree we forbid each and every prelate to
submit,
subject or subordinate the churches entrusted to him, their immovable property
or rights,
to lay people without the consent of his chapter and the special leave of the
apostolic
see. It is not a question of granting the property or rights in emphyteusis or
otherwise
alienating them in the form and in the cases permitted by the law. What is
forbidden is
the establishment or recognition of these laity as superiors from whom the
property and
rights are held, or making them the protectors, an arrangement which is called
in the
vernacular of certain places "to avow", that is, the laity are appointed
patrons
or
advocates of the churches or their property, either perpetually or for a long
period. We
decree that all such contracts of alienation, even when fortified by oath,
penalty or any
other confirmation, which are made without the above leave and consent, and any
consequences of these contracts, are entirely null; no right is conferred, no
cause for
prescription is provided. We decree moreover that prelates who disobey are
automatically
suspended for three years from office and administration, and clerics who know
that the
prohibition has been violated but fail to give notice of it to the superior,
are
automatically suspended for three years from receiving the fruits of benefices
they hold
in the church so oppressed. The laity indeed, who have hitherto forced
prelates,
chapters
of churches or other ecclesiastical persons to make these submissions, are to
be
bound by
sentence of excommunication, unless after suitable admonition, having given up
the
submission they exacted through force or fear, they set free the churches and
return the
property thus surrendered to them. Those also who in future shall compel
prelates or
other ecclesiastical persons to make such submissions are also to be
excommunicated,
whatever be their condition or status. Even when contracts have been or will be
made with
the due leave and consent, or on the occasion of such contracts, the laity are
not to
transgress the limits set by the nature of the contract itself or the law on
which the
contract is based. Those indeed who act otherwise, unless after lawful
admonition they
desist from such usurpation restoring also what they have usurped, incur
automatic
excommunication, and henceforward the way is open, if need be, to lay their
land
under
ecclesiastical interdict.
23. On religious houses, that they are to be subject to the bishop
23 {28} A general council by a considered prohibition averted the excessive
diversity of
religious orders, lest it might lead to confusion. Afterwards, however, not
only
has the
troublesome desire of petitioners extorted their multiplication, but also the
presumptuous rashness of some has produced an almost unlimited crowd of diverse
orders,
especially mendicant, which have not yet merited the beginnings of approval. We
therefore
renew the constitution, and severely prohibit that anyone found henceforth a
new
order or
form of religious life, or assume its habit. We perpetually forbid absolutely
all the
forms of religious life and the mendicant orders founded after the said council
which
have not merited confirmation of the apostolic see, and we suppress them in so
far as
they have spread. As to those orders, however, confirmed by the apostolic see
and
instituted after the council, whose profession, rule or constitutions forbid
them to have
revenues or possessions for their fitting support but whose insecure mendicancy
usually
provides a living through public begging, we decree that they may survive on
the
following terms. The professed members of these orders may continue in them if
they are
willing not to admit henceforth anyone to profession, nor to acquire a new
house
or land,
nor to have power to alienate the houses or land they have, without special
leave of the
apostolic see. We reserve these possessions for the disposal of the apostolic
see, to be
used for aid to the holy Land or for the poor or to be turned to other pious
uses through
local ordinaries or others commissioned by the apostolic see. If the above
conditions are
violated, neither the reception of persons nor the acquisition of houses or
land
nor the
alienation of these or other property is valid, and in addition excommunication
is
incurred. We also forbid absolutely to members of these orders, in regard to
externs, the
office of preaching and hearing confessions and the right of burial. Of course
we do not
allow the present constitution to apply to the orders of Preachers and Minors;
their
approval bears witness to their evident advantage to the universal church.
Furthermore,
we grant that the order of Carmelites and that of the Hermits of Saint
Augustine, the
institution of which preceded the said general council {29} , may remain as
they
are,
until other regulations are made for them. We intend in fact to provide both
for
them and
for the other orders, even the non-mendicants, as we shall see to be for the
good of
souls and for the good state of the orders. We grant also a general permission
to members
of orders to which this present constitution applies, to pass to the other
approved
orders on this condition: no order is to transfer itself wholly to another, no
community
is to transfer itself and its possessions wholly to another, without special
permission
from the apostolic see. '
24. On taxes and procurations
24 {30} The boldness of wicked people demands that we should not be satisfied
with merely
forbidding offences, but should inflict punishment on the offenders. The
constitution of
Pope Innocent IV, our predecessor of happy memory, forbade procurations to be
received in
the form of money, or the acceptance of gifts by pastoral visitors and their
attendants.
It is said that many rashly transgress this constitution. We wish it to be
inviolably
observed and have decreed that it should be strengthened by adding a penalty.
We
decree
that one and all who presume, because of the procuration owing to them by
reason
of a
visitation, to exact money or even to accept money from someone willing; or to
violate
the constitution in another way by accepting gifts or, without making the
visitation,
accepting procurations in food or anything else; are obliged to give back
double
of what
they have received to the church from which they received it, and this within a
month. If
they do not, from that time patriarchs, archbishops and bishops who put off
restoration
of the double payment beyond the said period, are to know that entry into the
church is
forbidden them; and lower clergy are to know that they are suspended from
office
and
benefice until they have made full satisfaction of this double to the burdened
churches;
the remission, liberality or kindness of the givers is to avail nothing.
25. On the immunity of churches
25 {31} Holiness befits the house of the Lord; it is fitting that he whose
abode
has been
established in peace should be worshipped in peace and with due reverence.
Churches,
then, should be entered humbly and devoutly; behaviour inside should be calm,
pleasing to
God, bringing peace to the beholders, a source not only of instruction but of
mental
refreshment. Those who assemble in church should extol with an act of special
reverence
that name with is above every name, than which no other under heaven has been
given to
people, in which believers must be saved, the name, that is, of Jesus Christ,
who will
save his people from their sins. Each should fulfil in himself that which is
written for
all that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow; whenever that glorious
name
is
recalled, especially during the sacred mysteries of the mass, everyone should
bow the
knees of his heart, which he can do even by a bow of his head. In churches the
sacred
solemnities should possess the whole heart and mind; the whole attention should
be given
to prayer. Here where it is proper to offer heavenly desires with peace and
calm, let
nobody arouse rebellion, provoke clamour or be guilty of violence. The
consultations of
universities and of any associations whatever must cease to be held in
churches,
so also
must public speeches and parliaments. Idle and, even more, foul and profane
talk
must
stop; chatter in all its forms must cease. Everything, in short, that may
disturb divine
worship or offend the eyes of the divine majesty should be absolutely foreign
to
churches, lest where pardon should be asked for our sins, occasion is given for
sin, or
sin is found to be committed. No more business is to be conducted in churches
or
their
cemeteries, especially they are not to have the bustle of markets and public
squares. All
noise of secular courts must be stilled. The laity are not to hold their trials
in
churches, more especially criminal cases. The church is not to be a place for
lay
judicial inquiries. Local ordinaries should see that all this is observed,
persuade where
persuasion is needed, suppress by their authority what is forbidden by this
canon. They
should also depute for this purpose persons in the churches who are most
assiduous and
suitable for the above aims. Moreover, the proceedings of secular judges, and
in
particular the sentences passed in these sacred places, are to lack all
validity. Those
indeed who impudently defy the above prohibitions, in addition to the sanctions
imposed
by ordinaries and their deputies, will have to fear the sternness of the divine
retribution and our own until, having confessed their guilt, they have firmly
resolved to
avoid such conduct for the future.
26. On usury
26. {32} Wishing to close up the abyss of usury, which devours souls and
swallows up
property, we order under threat of the divine malediction that the constitution
of the
Lateran council against usurers be inviolably observed. Since the less
convenient it is
for usurers to lend, the more their freedom to practise usury is curtailed, we
ordain by
this general constitution as follows. Neither a college, nor other community,
nor an
individual person, of whatever dignity, condition or status, may permit those
foreigners
and others not originating from their territories {33} , who practise usury or
wish to do
so, to rent houses for that purpose or to occupy rented houses or to live
elsewhere.
Rather, they must expel all such notorious usurers from their territories
within
three
months, never to admit any such for the future. Nobody is to let houses to them
for
usury, nor grant them houses under any other title {34} . Those indeed who act
otherwise,
if they are ecclesiastical persons, patriarchs, archbishops or bishops, are to
know that
they incur automatic suspension; lesser individual persons, excommunication,
colleges or
other communities, interdict. If they remain obdurate throughout a month, their
territories shall lie henceforth under ecclesiastical interdict as long as the
usurers
remain there. Furthermore, if they are layfolk, they are to be restrained from
such
transgression through their ordinaries by ecclesiastical censure, all
privileges
ceasing
{35}
27 {36} Although notorious usurers give orders in their wills that restitution
be made
for their usurious gains, either in express terms or in general, ecclesiastical
burial is
nevertheless to be refused until full restitution has been made as far as the
usurer's
means allow, or until a pledge has been given of fitting restitution. This
pledge is to
be given to those to whom restitution is due, if they themselves or others who
can
receive for them are present. If they are absent, the pledge is to be given to
the local
ordinary or his vicar or the rector of the parish where the testator lives, in
the
presence of trustworthy persons from the parish (the ordinary, vicar and
rector,
as just
mentioned, shall have permission to receive such pledge in their name by
authority of the
present constitution, so that these ecclesiastics have the right to action).
The
pledge
may also be given to a public servant commissioned by the ordinary. If the sum
owing from
usury is openly known, we wish this sum always to be expressed in the pledge,
if
the
amount is not clearly known, the sum is to be determined by the receiver of the
pledge
{37} . The receiver must make his estimate at not less than the probable
amount;
if he
does otherwise, he is obliged to restitution for anything still owing. We
decree
that all
religious and others who presume to grant ecclesiastical {38} burial to
notorious
usurers, contrary to this decree, are subject to the penalty promulgated
against
usurers
at the Lateran council . Nobody is to assist at the wills of notorious usurers
or hear
their confessions or absolve them, unless they have made restitution for their
usury or
have given a fitting guarantee, as far as they can, as described above. The
wills made in
any other way by notorious usurers have no validity, but are by law null and
void. {39}
28. On wrongs and the loss caused
28. {40} The distraints which in the vernacular are called "reprisals", by
which
some
people are burdened in place of others, have been forbidden by the civil
constitution as
oppressive and contrary to the laws and natural equity. In order, however, that
offenders
may have greater fear of breaking the law where ecclesiastical persons are
concerned, in
accordance with the more particular prohibition of reprisals against them, we
severely
forbid the granting of reprisals against ecclesiastical persons or their goods.
By this
present decree we also forbid the extension of such reprisals, perhaps granted
universally on pretext of some custom which we would prefer to call an abuse,
to
these
persons. Those who act otherwise, by granting distraints or reprisals against
such
persons or extending the grant to include them, unless they revoke such
presumption
within a month, incur sentence of excommunication, if they are individuals;
they
are to
be laid under ecclesiastical interdict, if they are a community.
29. On the sentence of excommunication
29. {41} The constitution of Pope Innocent IV, our predecessor of happy memory,
forbids
that those who communicate with excommunicated persons in matters carrying only
a minor
excommunication should be bound, without first receiving canonical admonition,
by a major
excommunication; the sentence of excommunication thus promulgated does not
bind.
In order
to remove any scruple of ambiguity, we declare that the admonition is canonical
only if,
after all other formalities have been duly observed, it names the persons
admonished. We
decree also that in the course of the admonitions required for the sentence to
be
promulgated canonically, the judges, whether they give three admonitions or one
for all
three, should observe fitting intervals of some days, unless the urgency of the
situation
counsels otherwise.
{42} 30. By the present general decree we declare that the benefit of
provisional
absolution does not in any way apply to cities, villages or any other places
against
which a general interdict has been promulgated.
31. {43} Whoever, from the fact that a sentence of excommunication, suspension
or
interdict has been promulgated against kings, princes, barons, nobles, bailiffs
or their
agents or anyone else, gives leave to someone to kill, capture or molest, in
their
persons or goods or in those of their relatives, those who have published such
sentences,
or on whose account the sentences were published, or who observe such sentences
or refuse
to communicate with those so excommunicated, unless they revoke in time such
permission,
automatically fall under sentence of excommunication. If property has been
seized on the
occasion of such permission, the same sentence is incurred unless the goods are
returned
within eight days or satisfaction is made for the loss. All who have dared to
make use of
the permission, or commit on their own initiative any of the above crimes for
which we
have forbidden permission to be given, are bound by the same sentence. Those
who
remain
under this sentence of excommunication for two months cannot henceforth obtain
absolution
except through the apostolic see.
ENDNOTES
{1} non-mitred ... other omitted in W
{2} one from the realm of Scotland omitted in W
{3} tow from the realm of Sicily ... Hungary omitted in o.
{4} Furthermore ... by our authority omitted in O.
{5} const. 29 in BN
{6} To all who by God's mercy (by God's mercy omitted in V 8) will see this
present
letter ... (the names follow, for which see Actenstuecke zur Geschichte des
deutschen
Reiches ..., ed. F. Kaltenbrunner (Mitteilungen aus dem Vaticanischen Archive,
I), Vienna
1869, no. 52; Kuttner, Conciliar Law ... , 62. The scrolls are signed by the
bishops of
the individual nations, namely Italy, France, Germany, Ireland and Britain,
Spain and
Portugal, Provence, and the East, and by the abbots and priors of religious
orders.)
greetings in the author of salvation (the same words in a different order in V
3, 5). By
this writing we bear witness that we have seen and carefully examined the
constitution of
the most holy father (the most holy father omitted in V 1, 7-8), our lord the
lord
Gregory X by divine providence pope, of the following tenor V
{7} const. 14 in BN
{8} With the approval ... council omitted in V W
{9} Furthermore ... fasting i.e. to the end of the constitution is omitted in V
W, which
have instead: On each and all of these points we reserve for us and our
successors full
freedom to declare (to change added in V 3, 5, 7-8), to add or to subtract, as
will seem
expedient for the common good. We therefore note the holy and pious intention
of
the same
supreme pontiff, since in the said constitution he is concerned only with
pleasing God
and providing for the universal church. In it (In it omitted in V 1, 4, 6, 8)
the supreme
pontiff is not pursuing any private interest of his own, especially since the
effect of
the constitution extends to the time when he will no longer be among mortals.
We
also
note how many dangers arose from the recent prolonged vacancy of the Roman
church. For
these reasons we accept, approve and expressly consent to the same constitution
which
obviates so many dangers. In testimony of which we set our seal to the present
document.